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Measuring Democracy – Reports by the International Press Institute – Artur Victoria Studies

Posted by admin on Mar 14, 2011 in Articles | 0 comments

Measuring Democracy – Reports by the International Press Institute – Artur Victoria Studies

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Home Page > News and Society > Politics > Measuring Democracy – Reports by the International Press Institute – Artur Victoria Studies

Measuring Democracy – Reports by the International Press Institute – Artur Victoria Studies

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The International Press Institute is the organization that is operating as the global network of editors, media executives and leading journalists. The focus of organization work is the enhancement of professionalism and journalist standards and the media freedom. IPI has two types of reports that are annual and that cover almost all countries of the world. The first report is the Death Watch that gives data on the number of killed journalist and media professionals in individual countries and gives brief description of the way those killings happened. Their other report is the press freedom report. This report is updated annually and covers 176 countries. The report is comprised of general summary, regional overviews that are summarizing main trends for each of six regions of the world, and the country reports that are the bulk of the report. It is not very clear how the reports are made and who provides the information. From the report it can be concluded that IPI staff in Geneva makes the reports. Reports for the last five years are available on the IPI web site. Reports are descriptive and from them it is not possible to find out what was the source of information used.

Since the focus of organization is not only the media freedom, but also journalistic standards and professionalism, the reports are not only about media freedom. But the differences in the approach between the countries are visible. The reports that are dealing with countries that do not have at all, or at least do not have significant problems with media freedom, are focusing on the standard and quality of journalistic work, accessibility of information and legal framework that regulates these issues. They also tend to be critical about media behavior when they believe that professional errors have been committed. But they also deal with any problem, whether in the legal framework or in the practice that can restrict access to information or limit the space of action of journalist.

The reports that are dealing with the countries that are dealing with the countries that have problems with media freedom are oriented mainly on the issues of media freedom, and the issues of standards and professionalism are not very pronounced. The reports covering these countries are dealing with the legal framework and the restrictions that are present in it, with special focus on anti defamation laws, laws limiting access to information and laws restricting publication of information of certain type. They also record occurrence of different forms of violence and harassment against journalists, especially deaths. Sometimes they go into quite detail in presenting individual cases. Special attention is paid to violence or pressures exercised by government, like detentions, arrests and trials of journalists. Other data include information on less violent but still highly restrictive pressures on journalists and media by different institutions of the state that in large number of cases take form of financial pressures and limitations of access to printing and broadcasting resources, restrictions on the access to information and legal actions to prevent publishing of certain information. The information of governmental attempts to reduce editorial freedom of the media are also reported in this report.

Country reports give information that shows the background of the problems with the press freedom, and they give information on the magnitude of the problem. Reports also identify responsibility for restrictions and pressures, whether they come from the government or not and whether restrictions and pressures have something to do with systematic government effort to curtail the media freedom or is it the consequence of government failure to prevent it.
The reports are not made according to some standardized methodology. They do not have standard list of issues that they try to cheek, and they do not compare countries or rank them. In that regard they do look similar to AI, HRW and ICFTU reports.

The sample of countries is divided into six regions and is quite large. The following countries and regions are included: In the Americas: Antigua & Barbuda, Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Grenada, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Puerto Rico, Suriname, Trinidad & Tobago, Uruguay, USA, Venezuela.

In Asia: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burma (Myanmar), Cambodia, China, East Timor, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Laos, Macau, Malaysia, Maldives, Mongolia, Nepal, North Korea, Pakistan, Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Vietnam.
In Australia and Oceania: Australia, Cook Islands, Fiji, French Polynesia, Kiribati, Nauru, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niue, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Vanuatu, Wallis and Futuna.

In Europe: Albania, Armenia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Belgium, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Kosovo, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Macedonia, Malta, Moldova, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, UK, Ukraine, Yugoslavia.

In the Middle East and North Africa: Algeria, Bahrain, Chad, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestinian Authority, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, Yemen.

In Africa: Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Comoros Islands, D. R. of Congo, Rep. of Congo, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gambia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius, Mauritania, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sao Tomé and Principé, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe.

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Leadership and Democracy

Posted by admin on Mar 14, 2011 in Videos | 0 comments

Outside the Virginia Capitol, historian J. Thomas Wren, professor of leadership studies at the Jepson School of Leadership Studies, University of Richmond, discusses the group’s field trips to Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello and the Virginia State Capitol building. The Jepson-Athens Leadership Academy for high school students is a new summer program created to forge close ties between the Jepson School, the first school of leadership studies in the world, and the American Community School in Athens, the cradle of democracy. The mission of the two schools is aligned around teaching for and about leadership. The American Community Schools emphasize leadership, civic responsibility and community service, as does the Jepson School. More: oncampus.richmond.edu
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Will economic interest take precedence over democracy in SA’s engagement with Africa?

Posted by admin on Mar 13, 2011 in Videos | 0 comments

In the aftermath of the global economic crisis, Africa is one of the regions of the world that are experiencing better-than-expected levels of economic growth.

A discussion about global democracy. An interesting discussion.

CrossTalk: Demon Democracy

Posted by admin on Mar 12, 2011 in Videos | 25 comments

On this edition of Peter Lavelle’s CrossTalk, he asks his guests why the US is so intent on global democracy promotion and why it tends to yield untended (and mostly negative) consequences. CrossTalk on Facebook: www.facebook.com
Video Rating: 4 / 5

Democracy Watch, 2011 – Issue 5

Posted by admin on Mar 7, 2011 in Articles | 0 comments

Democracy Watch, 2011 – Issue 5

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Home Page > Education > Democracy Watch, 2011 – Issue 5

Democracy Watch, 2011 – Issue 5

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The draft law N7486-1, registered at Verkhovna Rada by the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, promises considerable reform in the educational sphere. According to its authors, predominantly members of the Party of Regions, the immanent reforms will streamline the number of higher educational establishments and raise standards in education. However, observers note that the suggested methodology will lead to substantially higher tuition fees and may impinge on students and teachers’ rights. The reform programme enables the management of higher educational establishments to set prices considering inflation; but a loophole leaves no top-cap, allowing prices to be raised to unpredictable levels. In 2010 Tabachnyk suggested a minimum fee for higher education of US$1,150; recommending fees of over US$2,500 for some of the most prestigious universities. The European average sees students paying 2-3 times less with competition, rather than streamlining, driving standards up and European salaries are appreciably higher.

Tabachnyk’s strategy includes merging many of the 900 higher educational institutions in Ukraine and removing university status from establishments with less than 10 thousand students. Under this criterion, some highly respected institutions such as Kyiv-Mohyla Academy risk losing their accreditation; which may damage their ability to self-regulate, opening the door for corruption and state interference.

The proposed reduction in the number of state scholarships is a direct violation of the right to free education guaranteed by Article 53 of the Constitution of Ukraine and the Law of Ukraine “On Higher Education”. The aforementioned provisions demand that “the citizens of Ukraine are entitled to free education at state-funded educational institutions with admission on a competitive basis”.

The volume of graduates will this year shrink to around 200 thousand; although we see no evidence of a concurrent reduction in the size of the general population. The proposed reduction in the number of state-funded scholarships by 42% would appear to directly violate Ukrainian citizens’ constitutional right to free education. It is also indicative of the policy of state education commercialisation initiated by Tabachnyk and his department within the Ukrainian government. Prime-Minister Mykola Azarov has also instructed the Minister of Education to modify the existing law “On Higher Education” to align it with the alternative strategy.

Tabachnyk’s reform programme has received a deeply negative response from the scientific and teaching community and has inspired some active opposition among students. Late January saw 300 participants publicly protesting against Tabachnyk’s educational law in front of the parliament building; which in turn sparked similar protests in other Ukrainian cities. The students demand that Tabachnyk’s draft law be rejected and promised to organise large-scale protests should it be adopted. The increasing opposition to the Minister of Education’s policy may have negative implications for the President should he continue to sanction this course of action; other members of government are already reacting to the public outcry opportunistically, publicly denouncing Tabachnyk. Presidential Administration Deputy Head Anna German claims that Yanukovych would never support the educational reforms revised by Tabachnyk. According to her claims the President intends to do everything within his power to ensure that Ukrainian educational establishments retain self-administrative ability and relative operational freedom. Should any new destructive changes be allowed to worm their way into government educational policy, the President would risk poisoning the minds of the student community against himself and the Party of Regions. As a result we may find ourselves amidst a new wave of student led anti-government protests.

People First Comment:

Ukraine was one of the best educated nations in the world. The former Soviet education system was ranked as globally the 2nd most effective, just under the UK but well ahead of the US. Since independence however the system has only survived thanks to the skill and dedication of the teaching staff working in partnership with parents to ensure that their children get a reasonable start.

The conditions at many Ukrainian schools can only be described as third world as the system as a whole has suffered from gross government underfunding for decades. It is not just a lack of essential teaching materials, in many cases the schools have had little structural maintenance for years resulting in cold, damp and drafty classrooms and in some cases whole school areas have to be closed because they are just too dangerous.

Teachers and University professors used to be highly respected members of the community but today they rank amongst the most poor as government salaries are only just enough for essential living. Is it any wonder that corruption has wormed its way into the system?

Ukraine has more computer cable in the ground than most European countries and much higher than average bandwidth capacity but this has never been utilised for the benefit of national education despite numerous proposals. Similarly Ukraine is now a major production centre for inexpensive computers but again this has never been harnessed. The Presidential Administration have recently spent $24 million on the President’s helicopter and landing pad, the same money could have purchased around 30,000 school grade computers.

The government should get their priorities right whilst the opposition must monitor –whether these priorities are for the people or for the benefit of governing party executives.

In almost all nations education is seen as a national priority thus what Minister Tabachnyk is proposing is at best illogical and at worst immoral as it would appear to be in contradiction to the Constitution.

Recent sociological national research by the People First Foundation indicates that the priority for the majority of Ukrainian families is not jobs or salaries but the care and support of their children. Attacking the education system in this way is tantamount to attacking every family in the nation. The system he is proposing may turn the universities into another state cash cow to ‘enhance’ the budget. But who is the real beneficiary… the people or the bureaucrats? Similarly one has to question why the opposition are so invisible on this vital issue promising the earth during the election but doing and saying precious little when it really matters.

Tabachnyk will implement these reforms at the expense of every drop of good will left in the nation. Parents are already rising up in defence of schools. In Donetsk recently they combined to defend a Ukrainian language school set for closure on highly questionable grounds and this is just the beginning. The student population is already up in arms over the proposed changes and as we saw last year in the UK and France and more recently in North Africa angry students do have a way of achieving their goals. If the President really wants to ward off trouble he would be wise to reconsider this programme and the Ministers’ suitability for this position.

Quote of the week:

If you tell a big enough lie and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it. The lie can be maintained only for such time as the State can shield the people from the political, economic and/or military consequences of the lie. It thus becomes vitally important for the State to use all of its powers to repress dissent, for the truth is the mortal enemy of the lie, and thus by extension, the truth is the greatest enemy of the State.

Joseph Goebbels

Reich Minister of Propaganda in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945

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Democracy Watch is the weekly monitor of the People First Foundation and serves to raise public awareness of how government and parliamentary action is impacting upon Ukrainian democracy and democratic due process. The information is copyright free and may be reproduced but we ask that any comments are reproduced in full and with reference to the People First Foundation.

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Democracy Watch, 2011 – Issue 6

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Democracy Watch, 2011 – Issue 3

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Democracy Watch, 2011 – Issue 2

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Democracy Watch, 2011 – Issue 1

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Democracy Watch is the weekly monitor of the People First Foundation and serves to raise public awareness of how government and parliamentary action is impacting upon Ukrainian democracy and democratic due process. The information is copyright free and may be reproduced but we ask that any comments are reproduced in full and with reference to the People First Foundation.

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